Originally appeared in Torture:Asian and Global Perspectives
http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/12/26/the-sense-of-disconnection-is-unreal/
"Ian Rankin once explained to an interviewer (the head of the Indian Communist Party!) that crime fiction is a way of talking about social inequality. Ron Jacobs applies that same maxim to the Sixties... in his wonderfully noir trilogy of those exhilarating and troubled times. And what Rankin does for Edinburgh, Jacobs amply illuminates for the Movement. Much much more than ripping yarns (though they are that too), from a master who's been there, done that, and lived to tell a tale or two."
Friday, December 26, 2014
Monday, December 22, 2014
It's Not a War on Cops in NYC
The first sentence should read...who allegedly SHOT...."
http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/12/22/its-not-a-war-on-cops-in-nyc/
http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/12/22/its-not-a-war-on-cops-in-nyc/
Saturday, December 20, 2014
Friday, December 19, 2014
Friday, December 12, 2014
Friday, December 5, 2014
Friday, November 28, 2014
Wednesday, November 26, 2014
Friday, November 21, 2014
Going Down Highway 61, Again
The last sentence should read pedal to the metal, not petal....damned autocorrect:)
http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/11/21/going-down-to-highway-61-again/
http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/11/21/going-down-to-highway-61-again/
Tuesday, November 11, 2014
Friday, November 7, 2014
Sunday, November 2, 2014
Friday, October 31, 2014
Friday, October 24, 2014
Friday, October 17, 2014
Sunday, October 12, 2014
Friday, October 3, 2014
Friday, September 26, 2014
Lying to Ourselves About the Air War
Labels:
antiwar,
Counterpunch,
Empire,
enemies,
imperialism,
iraq,
Pakistan,
Syria,
Vietnam,
violence
Friday, September 19, 2014
Friday, September 12, 2014
Friday, September 5, 2014
Saturday, August 30, 2014
Tuesday, August 26, 2014
Reading in Burlington, VT.
three part invention 4
Fomite authors read from their works
- Ron Jacobs - Seventies Trilogy (novels)
- Tina Escaja and Kristin Dijkstra - (poetry - Tina reads in the original Spanish, Kristin reads the English translations)
- Jack Pulaski - Love’s Labours (stories)
Tuesday, September 9, 2014
Off Center for the Dramatic Arts
294 N Winooski Ave, Burlington
7:00 pm
Friday, August 22, 2014
Sunday, August 17, 2014
Friday, August 15, 2014
Friday, August 8, 2014
Friday, August 1, 2014
Tonkin and Watergate--The Significance of History
Labels:
1960s,
1970s,
antiwar,
civil liberties,
Counterpunch,
history,
leftist,
Nixon,
Richard Nixon,
right wing,
Vietnam
Friday, July 25, 2014
Tuesday, July 15, 2014
Friday, July 11, 2014
Friday, July 4, 2014
Friday, June 20, 2014
Saturday, June 14, 2014
Friday, June 6, 2014
Friday, May 30, 2014
From Stokely to Kwame
Labels:
1960s,
1968,
1970s,
Algeria,
anti-imperialism,
Black history,
Black Panthers,
book review,
civil liberties,
civil rights movement,
COINTELPRO,
free speech,
history,
left,
socialism,
violence,
voting
Friday, May 23, 2014
Friday, May 16, 2014
Friday, May 9, 2014
Friday, May 2, 2014
Friday, April 25, 2014
Friday, April 18, 2014
Tuesday, April 8, 2014
Friday, April 4, 2014
Friday, March 28, 2014
Monday, March 24, 2014
Friday, March 14, 2014
Thursday, March 13, 2014
Pentagon Gets What it Wants Again
Clarification: Sanders voted for Afghanistan attack in 2001, against Iraq resolution, but supported funding once war had begun, and voted for several more funding authorizations before opposing one in 2007
http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/03/11/the-pentagon-gets-what-it-wants-again/
http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/03/11/the-pentagon-gets-what-it-wants-again/
Friday, March 7, 2014
Why I Won't Cross the CCTA Picket Lines
I ride CCTA buses every day back
and forth to work. This is why I support
the drivers call for a strike. I started
riding CCTA buses when I first moved to Burlington in 1992. The improvements in the service since then
are immeasurable. One thing that has not
changed, however, is the professionalism, courtesy and commitment to safety
exhibited by the bus drivers. I have
seen drivers help disabled folks get on the bus, help mothers with
babes-in-arms get their children situated, give precise directions to newcomers
and tourists, and more.
Recently, CCTA management walked
out on negotiations between the drivers and management. These negotiations have been going on since
April 2013. When I talk with drivers I
am told that the real issue is not the money, but the working conditions and
the way they are treated by management.
Foremost among these issues is the question of safety. As I remarked earlier, I have always found
the CCTA drivers’ attention to safety first-rate. I always assumed that management shared this
commitment. However, their proposal to
add an additional hour of time between shifts for drivers assigned to split
shifts seems to prove my assumption wrong.
What this proposal would do is keep drivers on call for 13.5 hours. In other words, a driver who drove school
kids to school early in the morning would be expected to still be driving thirteen
hours later. Drivers have told me that,
when they have raised the issue of how this would affect passenger safety,
management dismissed their concerns.
Another issue is one many of us
have experienced in our own workplaces.
This involves the addition of part-time workers to the staff in order to
avoid providing benefits to the workers.
This ploy by management is just wrong.
It ignores the fact that the people who do most of the work in CCTA-the
drivers—are real people with families, mortgages, rents and other bills. Like management, which usually only has
full-timers with benefits, the drivers can perform their work better if they
have a full-time job with benefits.
Otherwise, their lives take on added stress as they struggle to make
ends meet.
The final element of the
contract where there are major disagreements is the way CCTA management treats
it drivers. For those who do not ride
public transit, nowadays most buses have surveillance cameras on them. Although the cameras are there to record
instances of passenger disturbances in case a crime occurs on the bus, CCTA
management seems to use their cameras to spy on the drivers. According to drivers, management spends a
fair amount of time reviewing surveillance tapes looking for any driver
infractions. If any are found, drivers
are called in and threatened with suspension or firing. The contract proposed by CCTA management
would prevent any suspended or fired driver from appealing any such
disciplinary action. Besides creating an
abusive work environment, this type of managerial behavior is just plain wrong,
especially if the worker is not allowed any type of appeal.
After unanimously rejecting the contract offered by management on March 12, 2014 (after driving through the worst March snowstorm in Vermont since 1969), the CCTA drivers will
go on strike. I
will not cross their picket lines. There
is one right way to prevent a strike.
That is for CCTA management to get off its managerial
high horse, and sign the contract as proposed by the drivers. Chittenden County has taken the CCTA bus
drivers for granted long enough. If
there is a strike we will discover just how important they
really are.
Wednesday, March 5, 2014
Friday, February 28, 2014
Friday, February 14, 2014
Friday, February 7, 2014
One of History's Biggest B & E's--The Burglary
Labels:
1970s,
antiwar,
book review,
COINTELPRO,
Counterpunch,
FBI,
history,
J. Edgar Hoover,
left,
Nixon,
police state,
US
Monday, February 3, 2014
The Campus Wage Gap
This is about two schools in Vermont, but applies elsewhere...
http://vtdigger.org/2014/02/02/ron-jacobs-campus-wage-gap/
http://vtdigger.org/2014/02/02/ron-jacobs-campus-wage-gap/
Friday, January 31, 2014
Friday, January 24, 2014
Friday, January 17, 2014
Wednesday, January 15, 2014
Papa Bush Starts A War
From my book Tripping Through the American Night:
Papa Bush Starts a War
The
crowd at Olympia's Sylvester Park on January 15, 1991 exceeded our expectations. Even the police expressed their surprise at the large numbers and enthusiasm. By the time the speakers had
begun, there were more than 3000 people
in the park and the streets
surrounding it. Curtis and I ran interference—keeping
folks off the stage and helping
keep order among the scheduled speakers. Susan introduced the participants and
Anna kept the show moving. The only conflict
that arose on stage was when
Democratic Congresswoman
Jolene Unsoeld approached us and asked to speak. Curtis and
I were against such a move, not
because we
had anything in particular against her, but because we did
not want politicians diluting our message
or riding our coattails. Anna and some others felt just as strongly the other
way. Eventually,
Curtis and I gave in,
knowing that the final speech would be given by
Peter Bohmer in front
of the Capitol and there
was
no doubt about his stance.
Within days Unsoeld was
supporting the war under the guise of supporting the
troops, like so
many other politicians.
After
the rally ended,
a group of drummers
organized by Mike O. went into the street
and waited while people lined
up
behind them. Then the
crowd headed up Capitol Way to
the Capitol. The police did
a little pushing and shoving but for the most part they
behaved themselves. After the
majority of the crowd had reached the parking lot in front of the Capitol, Peter began to
speak. He gave a rousing twenty minute talk tying together
the fight for justice and against imperial
war
and then urged everyone to join him inside the
Capitol where we would attempt to present a petition demanding the Washington State
Legislature pass a resolution opposing a war against Iraq. People headed
towards the
doors. As they
went inside police asked them
to leave their signs at
the door. Once inside, the chant “No War!” began in earnest once again. While
most of us
remained in the rotunda, about
500 protesters went looking for a door into the chambers.
Eventually they found one and streamed into the room. The
Legislature had
closed early that day because of the demonstration and the
room
was empty. Not for long, though. Soon, close
to a thousand people
were in the room, chanting, talking, and dancing. Some of the more
organized members of the crowd
began to strategize a plan for the longer term. They called
the group to some kind of order and expressed their desire to occupy the chambers until
the legislators responded to the proposed resolution. Meanwhile the police were
gathering their forces and talking to each
other on walkie-talkies. The press
was
sending out their version of the events on the national wire and over the
television airwaves via CNN. Within the hour, news of
the action had
spread and more media were
streaming in as protesters began to settle in for a long
stay. By dark most folks had left the chambers. Some headed home. Most, however,
joined a vigil and prayer session
that had begun an hour earlier in the
Capitol rotunda.
Around 9:00 pm, while the speeches and praying
went on in the rotunda of the Washington State Capitol
building in Olympia, a different
type of action was playing out in the chambers– by now sealed off by
state troopers and a variety of other law enforcement types—
where a dozen or so protesters from the
earlier celebration/takeover continued their
occupation and protest against the
impending attack against Iraq. Capitol grounds administrators and police talked back
and forth about physically
removing the people inside.
Myself and one
or
two other organizers asked them to
hold off. Meanwhile we
waited for attorney John
Thorne to return an earlier phone
call. Although John
could not legally practice in the state, he had plenty of experience dealing with police in all types
of
situations.
His
experience in California during
the sixties and seventies representing everyone from a police union in San Jose to
the revolutionary George Jackson insured that. On top of that,
he had helped us deal with
the police during other protests
in Olympia against
American policy, including showing up at a moment’s
notice after a confrontation following a 1989 protest against US policy in El Salvador and retrieving my friend David from jail. This would be child’s play.
After
finding the room where the
police were planning their move, John began asking around for the officer in charge. At
first, none of the police wanted to talk to him, but after he
told
them he was an attorney, a lieutenant
eventually materialized. After brief introductions, John and the lieutenant
left the hallway to discuss the protesters who were locked in
the chambers. Meanwhile,
I waited. So did
the troopers. When John came back, he
winked at me, shook the lieutenant’s hand and we headed
upstairs to the lobby
and the continuing vigil.
“They’re going to let them stay the night, Ron.”
Said John, referring to the demonstrators inside the chambers. “As long
as they leave in the
morning. Do you think they’ll go for it?”
“Probably.” I said. “If we can get some
food in to
them.”
“Anyone working on that?” asked Thorne. “Yeah. The co-op people put together some
sandwiches and have them outside in a truck.”
By
this time, we
had arrived at the locked doors of the chambers and began to knock rather
loudly. The food co-op workers were already there with
a box
of sandwiches
and drinks. After a
minute
or two, Ceridwen, one
of
the occupiers, opened the door a crack
and peered out. We assured
her that no police were around. She then opened the
door wide enough for the box of food to
be handed to her. After a quick word or
two
of assurance regarding their overnight stay, I went
back to the vigil where a group of teenagers were harassing another
teenager for
wearing the US flag
as a headband.
The
following day, the
local daily The Olympian, like the television media, treated the
Capitol protest as
spectacle. This angered me. In a
conversation with Symphonox a
week or two later regarding this recurrent
tendency of the media to portray all events as spectacles that just seem to
happen without organization or any
other
type
of forethought, he
asked me, rather sarcastically, what could we do
about
it. The question stopped me
for
a moment. After all, we didn’t want
to organize a spectacle, we wanted to organize a movement. Yet if the media insisted on portraying our
work as spectacle, it was up to
us to figure out how to
use
their portrayal as an organizing tool. We couldn’t play just
to the media, yet we shouldn’t ignore it either.
In union organizing, one can
ignore the media since the union’s audience is in the workplace
and composed of
folks the organizers know. But
we weren’t organizing a union, we were
organizing a movement against imperial
war. There was no way we could reach everyone we wanted to reach
without letting the mainstream
media do some of the talking. The trick was to
create events and information that
the corporate media could not reinterpret to fit their bosses’ needs.
Little did some of
us know that soon even that opportunity
would be denied as the media just stopped reporting any opposition to the war at
all.
When
I arrived at work the next morning it was
eerie. The first thing I was reminded of was the Gary
Cooper movie "High Noon" where everyone knows a big shootout is coming, but nobody wants to
deal with it.
So we just
went about our work as if nothing
was too out of the
ordinary.
After work I went up to the elementary school to get my son Ian.
We walked back down
Capitol Way as we usually
did and stopped in at a
bakery shop where we
often bought an after
school snack. After Ian had made a selection, I handed the young woman at the
counter a
five dollar bill. As she
was
making change, the music on
the radio was interrupted by one
of
those special news
bulletins. Baghdad had been attacked. As Peter
Arnett’s disembodied voice related the events, we could hear the
sound of explosions in the background.
The young woman began to cry
and set down my
change. I reached over to grab it and she grabbed my hand. I gripped her
hand tightly until
the fellow working in the kitchen appeared. He hugged her and
she
let go her grip. Ian and I hurried out the door and
headed for a pay phone. I
needed
to call others in the
coalition to get ready for the protest we knew was going to happen. Despite our hopes, we
knew that there would be a war and had
planned, like most other similar groups throughout the world,
a meeting time
and place once the opening salvos were fired.
In Olympia, that place was Sylvester Park and the
time was
approximately 6:00 PM the day the shooting began.
We ate a quick dinner and went to
Sylvester Park where a crowd was already gathering. Curtis
showed up soon after we arrived, as did
Anna, Tracy, Michael, Harry and Grace from the Citizen’s Band, and several other active
OAIC organizers. While we tried to get ourselves together, a radio blasted live reports from
Baghdad, D.C.,
and other spots around the world,
reporting news and repeating
rumors.
The emotions of the crowd (now numbering around 1000) in the
park vacillated between fear, anger and distress.
All of which added to an ever growing sense of urgency and a desire to react
immediately without much
forethought.
Up on the gazebo stage, Curtis rounded up
people
willing to serve as a nominal security group.
Their primary purpose
would be
to link arms around the speakers and musicians as they
appeared and hopefully prevent any attacks from unfriendly elements.
Meanwhile, Anna negotiated
furiously for a sound
system while Harry and Grace wondered where
theirs was. We had been
told
it was on its way a half hour earlier.
After
another ten minutes,
our adhoc group decided we
shouldn’t wait any longer.
Since I had the voice which could carry the
furthest, I was chosen to
lead off the rally. I stepped to face
the crowd just
as the van carrying the sound
system arrived. The crowd’s attention turned to me as
I began.
“Hello.” I began. “I grew
up
in a military family
and spent most of my youth on or near military
bases. When I was eight
years old my
dad was assigned to
Peshawar in what
was
then West Pakistan. While we
lived there, the governments of India and Pakistan went to war over a piece of land known as Kashmir. As Americans, my friends and I didn’t think too much
about it, but were a little fascinated by
the goings
on around us:
windows painted black and nightly blackouts, air raid drills, warplanes flying overhead. ” I continued with
a brief synopsis of those
days in
Pakistan when
the war raged around us. Then
I went ahead.
“Four
years later, I was living in the States again and
my dad was sent to Vietnam to fight
in another war.
I didn’t want him to go
and I didn’t want him to be involved in the killing. My family was
lucky—much luckier than thousands of other families both Vietnamese and American—he came back intact. While
he was away, my mom gave birth to
my second- youngest sister. If dad
had died over there, he would never have known her
and her cheerful, spirited
self. Like many other
families, the war drove a wedge between my father
and us older
kids. I feared
the day I would have to
face the draft and did my damnedest to get that war over. We were fortunate—we did
end that war, but only after way too many had
died. Only after way too much had been destroyed.
Now, as we stand here other soldiers are
carrying out an attack
with horrific weapons on people of another country
in
our name. Already
radio reports
speak of thousands dead. Whether
it’s thousands or
just one, it’s too many. This suffering
must end. This war must end. And we must help
end it.
Our
struggle will
not
be easy. At
times, we will want
to quit. At times we will
question the point of our
resistance. But we must never quit. No! We must
raise
our level of opposition to a greater
level then. Sometimes we will offend
some folks,
maybe even our
family or friends. Sometimes we will be
verbally abused or physically
assaulted. We
must not, no, can not, give
in. Like the great
fighter for the liberation of black people in this country from slavery
, Frederick Douglas,
said:
If there is no struggle, there is not progress. Those who profess to favor
freedom, yet deprecate
agitation, are
men who want crops
without plowing
up
the ground. They want rain
without the thunder
and lightning. They want the ocean without
the
awful
roar of its many waters. This struggle
may be a moral one; or it may
be a
physical one; or it may be both mental and physical; but it
must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand.
About midway through the speech, the PA system was connected and I no longer
needed to shout.
As
soon as I finished Harry and Grace played a tune. After that,
other members of the crowd
said a few words. While this went on, a truck full of war supporters drove by
and threw some bricks into the
crowd. Fortunately
no one was seriously hurt. By 8:30,
many folks in the crowd
were emotionally spent. Those
of
us on the stage who
were more or less managing the
rally decided to go ahead
with a suggestion by
members
of
the crowd to march through the downtown streets, come back to the park and call
it a
night. Curtis and I remained behind. After the last protester left the park we went
across the street and drained a couple
quick beers.
Harry
and Grace had not bothered
to go on the march since someone needed to watch
the sound equipment so we brought them back some coffee. The
four of us dissembled
the PA and made plans to
be back the next day for an even larger demonstration and possible occupation of the Federal Building. When the
crowd returned to the park, I shouted out that announcement and wished
everyone a decent night’s
sleep.
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